...and must you defecate everywhere you pass!!!

Cretin! that was unnecessary.Its obvious you missed the joke.

anyone with a complete version...They the reports adds up

Dr Jason Kaviti
Kaviti was the Government’s Chief Medical Officer and also acted as the Chief Government Pathologist. Although not connected with the case, Kaviti left his office at Nairobi Hospital, visited the City Mortuary, and without examining Julie Ward’s remains, her file and ordered the typist to alter it.
The words cleanly cut were replaced with the “torn”. And the word “cracked” was substituted in relation to the jaw. “Sharp” instrument was altered to “blunt” instrument. The post-mortem report had changed to indicate an animal attack.
That raises the question as to who had sufficient authority to order Kenya’s Chief Government Doctor to do that. Only State House had. So, the second question is, Why on earth would President Moi be concerned about the murder of a young woman tourist in a game park?
Of course, one reason is that Jonathan is the President’s son.

Police Commissioner Kilonzo (2)
After several days, the BHC collected the post-mortem report from Kilonzo’s headquarters. Immediately, the alterations became apparent. At first Dr Shaker was blamed but he denied it and pointed to Dr Kaviti. Kaviti was confronted in his office at Nairobi Hospital, but could not think of any plausible excuse.
To alter another doctor’s post-mortem report, without permission or explanation, is unheard of in the medical world. Kaviti confessed but refused to say whose order he had obeyed.
Within a day (and to his huge embarrassment), the forged post-mortem was on Kilonzo’s desk, with me there demanding an explanation. Like Dr Kaviti, Kilonzo was at a loss: “a misunderstanding”, “an error”, and he “ would look into the matter”; “He would speak to both doctors,” etc.
I asked Kilonzo if he had, at last, ordered a murder investigation? He said he had not done so, because he was not convinced it was a murder.
In the next few weeks and months, I produced 10 separate reports, all concluding murder and foul play. These reports were from world-renowned eminent pathologists and forensic experts.
Two independent UK Home Office pathologists reported murder. I found deposits of petrol in the soil under the fire, where some of Julie’s remains and possessions had been burnt. It was analysed as Agip Petrol. Another report landed on Kilonzo’s desk. Do Kenyan wild animals carry cans of petrol around with them?
I discovered a forgery of Julie’s entry and signature at Sand River Camp ground. The forger was the clerk, David ole Nchoko.
A tress of Julie’s hair had been found at the scene of her remains. Forensic examination showed that it had been cut at both ends. Once on Julie’s last visit to a hairdresser - but the other, at the time of her murder.
Evidence of murder was overwhelming. Each time I presented Kilonzo with a new piece of evidence showing murder, I asked him to act. Kilonzo still refused to open a murder inquiry.
Kenya’s Commissioner of Police could give no explanation for his extraordinary position. In the end he could not take more embarrassment and refused further meetings with me.
Clearly, someone had ordered Kilonzo to sweep the murder under the carpet. This raises the question: Who had sufficient authority to order the Commissioner of Police to conceal a murder?
Such an order could only come from State House.

Director of CID
Noah arap Too
Kilonzo’s orders were relayed to him by CID Director Noah arap Too. Arap Too was a close associate of President Moi. Kilonzo’s credibility was already in tatters and he wanted CID to take the responsibility.
Murder is not a matter for the uniform branch. Needless to say, Too was loath to accept the responsibility and preferred to use Kilonzo as a ‘buffer’. However, behind the scenes, Too was pulling the strings for State House.
Arap Too decided to send two CID officers to the Masai Mara – Supt. Muchuri Wanjau and a forensic officer, Musimi Rudisi.
After 10 days in the park, Wanjau reported back to Noah arap Too. What he told his boss caused Too to regret his decision.

Rudisi Musimi, Assistant Commisioner (Forensics).
This specialist forensic policeman (then a Supt.) was the protégée of another Ass. Commissioner, David Rowe. As with Supt Wanjau, he was appointed directly by CID Director, Noah arap Too.
Musimi spent a few days in the game park and produced a detailed forensic report that included sketches, with precise measurements and even showed the positions of dozens of trees. He also took many black and white photographs.
Musimi’s work was deliberately misleading. It was designed to make it appear that a thorough forensic examination of the various scenes and exhibits had been undertaken. In fact, it was false.
Musimi mentioned to me that he had consulted David Rowe during his forensic examination. Years later, David Rowe informed me that Rudisi had asked for his advice while the work was in progress.
Yet, the report was all lies. Measurements were incorrect and even taken in the wrong directions. Places where items were allegedly found were completely wrong. However, it appeared to be a professional forensic examination.
The first confirmation that Rudisi Musimi was just another corrupt policeman, occurred when he wrote about his examination of Julie’s Suzuki. The vehicle represented a potential treasure trove of forensic information. Fingerprints, DNA, blood samples, the debris contained in the vehicle; all of it would make a valuable contribution to expose the murderer and especially who had been in the vehicle.
Musimi’s report said he had examined the vehicle, but it had already been washed “inside and out”. Therefore, no forensic evidence was gathered from it and, he claimed, there were no fingerprints or other evidence. In fact, months later, when the vehicle had been moved from the Masai Mara to Nairobi and was parked at Wilson Airport, I examined it together with other witnesses and a lawyer.
The interior was littered with debris, which included a petrol receipt. It referred to a purchase of fuel made when Julie filled up in Narok. This was proof that Musimi was a liar.
It is not difficult to reach a conclusion about the reliability and truthfulness of these two corrupt individuals posing as honest and diligent police officers.
Why would these crooked officers go to so much trouble to concoct a large, detailed yet completely false report? Turns out, it was CID Director Noah arap Too (not Commissioner Kilonzo) who had secretly appointed Wanjau and Rudisi. Therefore, logic dictates they took their instructions from arap Too and reported to him.

Sen. Supt. Muchuri
Wanjau (1)
Wanjau appears in the tragic events twice. The first time was during the original attempt to cover up the murder and 20 years later to “confess”. In September 1988, following their appointment by Noah arap Too, Wanjau and Musimi arrived in the park together. Wanjau was the senior of the two. They had a police Land Rover, a driver and from Rudisi’s photographs, they were accompanied by a group of supporting constables and park rangers. They visited the scenes. They went to Serena Lodge, where Julie started her last journey. For the first week, they acted like proper police officers.
After 10 days, Wanjau was instructed to report to Noah arap Too. What he told Noah arap Too, changed everything. Suddenly, Wanjau found that all his supporting constables were taken away and he was working alone. The Police Land Rover and his driver were withdrawn. Even Musimi had disappeared from the game park. Wanjau was left alone at Keekorok. He had been promised another vehicle and support constables. They never arrived. Without the ability to get around the game park and without any support, Wanjau was stranded.
He spent his days sitting and chatting with the park rangers at Keekorok. One day, I visited the park, arriving at midday and found Wanjau sleeping under a tree. Wanjau forlornly asked me if I knew where his Land Rover was. And, further, if I met the Commissioner in Nairobi, would I ask the Commissioner to send some transport. Apart from being abandoned, Wanjau had not been provided with accommodation. Accordingly, he checked into Keekorok Lodge and told the manager to send the account to Police Headquarters, for the attention of Commissioner Kilonzo. Kilonzo refused to authorise payment, so Keekorok Lodge sued Wanjau personally for the hotel bill. Wanjau had to pay.
Eventually, Wanjau returned to Nairobi and reported again to CID Director, Noah arap Too. It was a long meeting. Too instructed Wanjau to write a statement of his findings in the Masai Mara.
Dutifully Wanjau complied. The conclusion of his statement said: “…after intensive investigation into this death, no evidence of foul play came to light. If anything, the deceased committed suicide.” Signed: Wanjau M.C. April 6, 1989.
Wanjau was at the centre of the matter. He had been made aware of the 10 forensic and pathology reports provided to Kilonzo. He had visited the remote locations deep in the wilderness. He knew that it was impossible for Julie to have been to those places alone. He knew of the activities of Dr Kaviti. Wanjau knew the extent of the Kenyan (and British) cover-up. Yet, Wanjau reported suicide.
Was the British
Government asleep?
The British Government was also doing absolutely nothing, except worry and wring their hands. The only activity came from the media and I. The media’s voice was loud and insistent. They knew the murder of Julie Ward was being covered up by the Kenyan Government. Pressure continued to build up for an inquest in order to legally establish the cause of death. The Government in the UK was becoming uneasy.
This proposal for an inquest had the support of Commissioner Kilonzo too. He saw it as a solution to the impossible predicament in which he had been placed by State House.
The Kenyan Government also believed an inquest would be the solution to their problem too. With supreme arrogance State House thought they could control the witnesses, control the evidence and, therefore, the verdict too. Their objective was to obtain a verdict of accidental death and rule out murder.
Once given, an inquest verdict is almost impossible to appeal, let alone overturn.
The man entrusted to orchestrate the inquest and marshal the witnesses was the Deputy Chief Prosecutor, Alex Etyang. He set about gathering his witnesses and he held meetings in his office, to ensure that everyone told the same story.
(One of the witnesses subsequently supplied a copy of “the script” he had been given by Etyang, stating what the witness had to say in court while under oath!)This document is currently with British Police.
There were two main problems for Etyang. One, was the evidence of Dr Shaker, the police doctor, who had carried out the original post-mortem and declared murder. Somehow, he had to be persuaded to support the false alterations of the Chief Government Pathologist, Dr Jason Kaviti. The police were entrusted to ensure that Dr Shaker succumbed and complied.
The other problem was John Ward. He had amassed pathology and forensic evidence, which, if put before the Court, even the Chief Magistrate would find it impossible to ignore.
The Chief Magistrate, Joseph Mango — who, like Dr Kaviti, was another State House puppet — had been appointed to conduct the inquest. The Kenyan inquest into the death of Julie Ward, was held between August 9 and October 27, 1989.
State witness after State witness was called by Etyang and all dutifully recited their lines. Even Wanjau read his statement with his conclusion of suicide. His evidence was torn to shreds under cross-examination.
Supt. Rudisi Musimi read at length from his detailed – but completely false – forensic report. The Senior Government Scientist, a man called Sogomo, gave evidence about a pair of jeans he had examined, which he said was full of holes, caused by the teeth bites of hyenas.
Under cross-examination by my counsel, Byron Georgiadis, he was asked to produce the jeans to the court. Sogomo said he had not brought them. He was instructed to bring them in the afternoon. Later, when he re-appeared with a tiny piece of cloth, no bigger than a Kenyan 10 cent coin - and without any holes. Where was the rest of the garment? Sogomo replied that only that morning, his assistant had undertaken a flammability test and, unfortunately, the experiment had got out of control and the rest of the garment had been destroyed in the fire!
The court, packed with international journalists, erupted in uncontrolled laughter. Eventually, Sogomo admitted his original evidence was “mistaken.”
A young man called Paul Molinaro was called by Etyang. He woodenly recited that he had seen Julie leave the Sand River Camp Ground alive.
In spite of an attempt by the British Foreign Office to prevent me from providing the evidence of murder to the inquest court, several UK expert witnesses attended and gave evidence. Prof Austin Gresham, a world famous pathologist, took several minutes just to relate his impressive qualifications.
His evidence was detailed and concise. His conclusion was murder.
Finally, Gresham held up a large photograph of Julie’s severed leg. Gresham asked magistrate Mango, how the charring, clearly shown on the severed limb, could possibly be there, if the leg had not been cut from the body first? Mango balefully gazed back at Gresham but did not speak.
Next, Gresham showed the picture directly to Alex Etyang, acting for the State. Etyang declined to cross-examine Gresham’s evidence.
Nonetheless, Mango took three weeks to reach a verdict. One can only imagine the heated conversations that took place between Mango, Etyang, the Attorney General and State House. With dozens of international journalists waiting, State House surrendered.
On October 27, 1989, Mango’s verdict was murder by unknown person or persons. However, Mango continued that: he found no evidence of a cover-up; congratulated Kenya Police on their investigation; and would not refer the case to the Attorney General, as he considered that no further investigation should take place.
Mango must be unique in the world’s history of inquest magistrates. Having just come to a conclusion of murder, he then orders that no investigation to apprehend the perpetrators should take place!
For the next few months nothing happened and no investigation was commenced. State House had adopted a head- in-the-sand policy and simply hoped the Julie Ward case would simply ‘go away’.

Ex Sen. Supt. Muchuri Wanjau (2)
Twenty years later, in March 2009, I was contacted by ex Sen. Supt. Wanjau. I was staying at the Serena Hotel in Nairobi. At 10a.m. on March 31, 2009, Wanjau visited me. We talked two-and-a-half hours.
Wanjau told me that he thought he was seriously ill. He said he did not know exactly what was wrong but he had very bad pains in his lower abdomen and thought it might be something to do with his pelvis.
Other than tinted yellow eyes and slightly wincing with pain when he moved, he looked okay. Of course, he was older but he dressed smarter than when he was a policeman. Wanjau now sported a neatly trimmed beard.
Wanjau said that he wanted to tell me what he knew of the murder. At the use of that word “murder” I interrupted and asked Wanjau (if he knew it was murder) and why he had made his statement of the April 6,1989, suggesting suicide.
“I had to,” he replied.
Wanjau said that Noah arap Too had sent him and Rudisi Musimi to the game park, with instructions to ‘relax’, ‘go slow’ and ‘This is a priority for Moi”. He said they did not understand exactly what Too meant and they interpreted it to mean, “Be careful who you involve”.
Wanjau said after 10 days in the game park, he was ordered back to Nairobi to report to Noah Arap Too. During the first 10 days, Wanjau said he had not achieved a great deal, except to visit the various locations. He had also interviewed a number of people, rangers and police and had recorded a few statements.
Wanjau said he reported to Noah arap Too that, so far, he had identified four possible suspects. Wanjau said that he had interviewed a clerk at Sand River Camp Ground, who had forged Julie’s signature. Further, that there was a police officer, Karori, who Wanjau said had lied to him. Wanjau said he told Too that another ranger gave him cause for suspicion and also, the Senior Warden, Makallah, was involved.
From the interviews, Wanjau said he told Noah arap Too that his main suspect was Jonathan Moi. Wanjau asked how to proceed.
Wanjau said Too replied, “Look somewhere else.” Wanjau said he started to explain his reasons, concerning the information for suspecting the President’s son. Arap Too emphasised to him to “look somewhere.”
Wanjau said when he returned to the game park his support team had been withdrawn and he was left without transport. From then on, Wanjau said he could do nothing. Eventually, he was recalled to Nairobi and told to report to Noah arap Too. He was instructed to make a statement avoiding any mention of murder and pointing to some other conclusion.
Wanjau’s statement of April 6, 1989.
I asked Wanjau why he had agreed to lie by stating that no evidence of foul play had come to light and concluding that Julie had committed suicide? I asked about the 10 reports given to Kilonzo and him all showing murder. Did he really get away with such falsehoods?
Wanjau simply said: “I was instructed to write that statement by Noah arap Too.”
I asked about Simon ole Makallah, whose activities and lies had by then, led to him being charged with murder. Wanjau said, “It wasn’t him. He was told to get rid of the body, but he didn’t kill her.”
I asked, “Who did”?
Wanjau said: “I think it was Jonathan Moi’s bodyguards.”
Surprisingly, Wanjau said that he thought Kilonzo was a good man and that he felt sorry for him. He said Kilonzo did not know what was going on but he had to accept instructions from above.
I asked Wanjau if he knew anything about a man called Ibrahim Choge. Wanjau said, “Yes he was murdered but they tried to make it look like a car crash. Everyone in CID knows about Choge.”
I asked Wanjau if he knew a man called David Rowe. Wanjau replied that he knew him, because he used to be an assistant commissioner of police. Wanjau said Rowe did some training too, in forensics and scenes of crime.
I asked whether Wanjau knew if Rudisi Musimi knew David Rowe too? He said Musumi and Rowe worked together even on Julie’s case and wrote the Scenes of Crime Report.
They did this at CID headquarters, from notes taken in the park, he said. He added that Musumi and Rowe did not write that report until just before the inquest. “They might have gone down to the Mara then, I don’t know.”
Wanjau said “everyone knew the rumours” about the suscipicion of Jonathan Moi.
Wanjau said he had been transferred from CID headquarter and sent outside Nairobi. While he was there, he received a message that he had been sacked at only four days notice.
On leaving the police, he was asked to sign the Official Secrets Act form, but he refused.
This was not usual, but Wanjau said he would not sign it until he was paid his dues. Wanjau said that later, when he applied for a licence to become a private detective, his application was turned down. He said that in the end, he ‘found a way round the problem’ and obtained a licence.
Wanjau said that he wanted to meet me again and show me some papers on many people, including Shaker, Molinaro and ole Surgan, who was in the park.
I never saw Wanjau again. Although I telephoned Wanjau’s cell phone, there was no reply. I also wrote to Wanjau, but received no reply. Later, I was informed he had died.

Jonathan Moi
The Julie Ward murder has attracted huge publicity and over the years there have been a number of inquiries. All of these have been conducted with restrictions imposed. Former Attorney General Amos Wako was responsible for the conditions placed on the investigators.
One such condition was that investigations could be conducted in the Masai Mara — but not in Nairobi. Nairobi was where the cover-up was orchestrated.
However, in a totally contradictory statement to the same investigating officers (but this time in the presence of the media) Wako grandly announced they had a free hand and that “no one was above the law in Kenya.”
In 1996, the various pieces of information concerning Jonathan Moi and Simon ole Makallah, were well known to Kenyan and British police. The Kenyan team had prepared a list of people to interview, and by January 1997, all but one had been interviewed and statements recorded.
The one remaining suspect was Jonathan Moi.
By then allegations had been made against Jonathan Moi by many people. Among them was the man Valentine Uhuru Kodipo. The investigating officers were reluctant to interview Jonathan Moi.
After dithering for many days, finally, the team leader telephoned Jonathan Moi’s office and asked for an interview. The meeting took place at 10.15a.m. on January 21, 1997, at Jonathan Moi’s office on the 8th floor of Corner House, Nairobi. Jonathan was accompanied by his lawyer and (causing acute consternation for the police team), Brig. Bill Boinet, the feared head of Kenya’s Security Services, was present too).
Although the team was in possession of many pieces of information that allegedly linked Moi to Julie’s murder, the only part they dared to disclose during the interview was the statement made by Valentine Ohuru Kodipo.
Kodipo’s statement had been lodged with Jonathan Moi, prior to the interview and he had prepared his statement before the team arrived.
In summary, Jonathan Moi said:
a) That he had read Kodipo’s statement.
b) That the allegations made against him were totally false.
c) That he considered the allegations intended to slander him.
d) That throughout September 1988 he was at his farm at Eldama Ravine.
e) That he had never been at the Masai Mara Game Reserve, but only at his farm at Narok. That he had heard of the missing tourist and the discovery of her remains in the Masai Mara, through the newspapers.
g) That he had heard of a place called Maela Lodge through the newspapers, but did not know where it was. (Note: Kodipo mentioned Maila Lodge and other people, in his statement).
h) That he did not know the men listed by Kodipo, such as Maritim, Nampaso, Okeda, Sacharia Bett, or even Kodipo.
i) That he did know Noah arap Too and Nicholas Biwott and ole Surtan, who worked for the Vice President.
j) That he was not in the company of any of these people in September 1988.
k) That he had nothing to do with the late Julie Ward.
l) That he did not keep a diary. However, he remembered that he was at Eldama Ravine during the alleged period.
m) That the allegation by Kodipo that we were drinking at Mara Serena Lodge is totally false.
n) That he did not drink alcohol.
The team asked no questions and accepted Jonathan Moi’s statement without comment and, with grateful thanks to the President’s son, they hurriedly left with a collective sigh of relief.
A copy of Jonathan Moi’s statement is with British Police.

The UK Inquest,
April 2004 (1)
In April 2004, the inquest into the death of Julie Ward was held at the County Hall in Ipswich Suffolk. The evidence concerning the Kenyan (and British) cover-up became public knowledge. By this date, Moi had finally been ousted from power and Kibaki was president.
Among his reforms, Kibaki had created a Ministry of Justice and Constitutional Affairs. The new Minister was Mr Kiraitu Murungi. The evidence given at the inquest made headlines throughout the world, but especially in the UK and Kenya. The First Secretary of the Kenyan High Commission in London was sent to sit in the Ipswich Court throughout the hearing and take notes.
As the damning evidence about the cover-up could not be denied, the Kenyan Government decided to embark on “damage limitation.” Basically, this involved admitting everything that had occurred in the past, under Moi, while claiming that since Kibaki came to power, everything had changed. Further, that from then on, the new government of Kenya would cooperate and work until the perpetrators of the crime were brought to justice.
On the third day of the UK inquest, when the evidence against Kenya (and the British Government) was at its most damning, the Kenyan First Secretary asked the Coroner (Magistrate) if he could be allowed to enter a statement into the proceedings. The statement was provided by Kenya’s Minister for Justice and Constitutional Affairs Kiraitu Murungi.
In summary, the statement said:
a) &l